It has been almost a year since the catastrophic election of Donald Trump. In his first year in office, the president has governed as cruelly and ineptly as his critics predicted. But while anti-Trump sentiment has never been more fierce và widespread, his political opponents are more divided than ever. Và this faultline – which has parallels in Britain with divisions among the Labour tiệc ngọt – could, if left unaddressed, compromise efforts to resist và defeat Trumpism.Bạn đã xem: Libtard là gì
Roughly speaking, these two sides could be characterised as the “populist wing” & the “establishment wing” of the Democratic party, but even this terminology is a point of controversy between the feuding sides. The party’s left wing, for example, wants to hotline the conflict the “left-liberal divide”. Loyalist Democrats want to play down the divide, calling for unity by insisting that Democrats are all members of “the left” (if those calling for unity are younger, millennial types), or that they are all “liberals” (if they are older, Clinton-era types). The right, meanwhile, does not understand the divide, continuing to lớn believe in a monolithic “radical left” filled with “radical liberals”. This leads to lớn the funny situation, as one commentator noted, in which members of both the left và the right reach for the same “I made it through college without becoming a liberal” T-shirt.
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The present conflict surfaced, as many intra-party feuds do, during a presidential primary. But unlike past internal conflicts, this one is sticking around. Centrist John Kerry supporters, for example, did not take potshots at insurgent Howard Dean supporters deep into 2005. This year, however, a full ecosystem – replete with duelling podcasts, magazines và candidates – has kept the divide alive. Skirmishes are popping up, like clockwork, every few weeks; from February’s bitterly contested election of a new Democratic National Committee chair, khổng lồ leftist scepticism about potential 2020 Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris; from the launching of the Clinton-fawning website Verrit to lớn the latest harangue from the liberal-bashing podcast Chapo Trap House.
Supporters of Keith Ellison and Tom Perez, the two candidates for Democratic National Committee Chair. Photograph: Joshua Roberts/ReutersDiscussing a resolution to lớn this conflict is difficult, because even calls for “resolution” can be interpreted as ideological statements. Wanting the Democratic các buổi tiệc nhỏ to survive and unify can be taken as an endorsement of the establishment, because the quickest path khổng lồ intra-party peace is for the conflict’s leftwing instigators to lớn get in line. Meanwhile, treating the intraparty divide as substantive – arguing that there is, in fact, a significant difference between, say, “Medicare for All” và “Obamacare” – can annoy liberals who believe that the so-called “divide” has been manufactured by a few disgruntled purists.
To resolve our intra-party conflict, we must first understand it. I believe the two sides’ concerns can be grouped into three divides: the first over các buổi party loyalty, the second over how to lớn win elections, and the third over the gap between Democrats and Republicans. Each divide may not be relevant to every partisan in the conflict, but most partisans have divided over at least one of these three.
The divide over tiệc nhỏ loyalty
Liberals accuse leftwingers of not being loyal to lớn the các buổi tiệc nhỏ in general elections. This began with the vilification of leftwing third-party voters, such as Ralph Nader voters in 2000 and Jill Stein voters in 2016. What made this past election special is that accusations of disloyalty were launched at a Democratic primary challenger. Hillary Clinton supporters feel that Bernie Sanders attacked Clinton excessively during the primary, stayed in the primary too long, và did not vị enough to support her in the general election. Many loyal Democrats around the country have analogous feelings about leftwing rebels in the party generally: they think criticisms should be kept inside the family, & that it is important to be a “team player” in order to win elections và pass legislation. Some may call these loyal Democrats boring conformists, but from their perspective, it is tiệc nhỏ loyalists, not insurgent critics, who staff the buổi tiệc ngọt booth at the county fair and knock on doors every year to lớn help get Democrats elected.
Leftists, on the other hand, believe this “disloyalty” accusation is bunk. First, they think establishment-wing leaders follow what the political blogger Jonathan Schwartz has called “the iron law of institutions”, which says that “the people who control institutions care first and foremost about their power within the institution rather than the power nguồn of the institution itself”. If tiệc ngọt leaders were loyal khổng lồ the party, leftwingers believe, then they would have learned from recent electoral losses & shaken the tiệc ngọt up, even if it meant stepping aside themselves to make room for fresh faces & new ideas.
Second, insurgent leftwingers care less about catering to lớn the dwindling group of grassroots tiệc nhỏ loyalists around the country, và more about activating the masses of non-voters và independents who are not yet loyal lớn any party. That is why they are less concerned about candidates, like Sanders, who are not technically Democrats. They see them not as selfish traitors, but rather as opportunities khổng lồ build the party’s base.
Loyalty khổng lồ the các buổi party generally is often bound up in loyalty to buổi tiệc ngọt leaders. The party’s liberal wing tends lớn get excited about buổi tiệc nhỏ leaders’ personalities, & is more likely to lớn share, say, Obama or Hillary memes, watch West Wing fantasies about tiệc ngọt staffers & follow the path of rising stars. This loyalty extends lớn the wider network tied to lớn the party, too, such as liberal-leaning news anchors và commentators, & party-aligned Hollywood stars such as Meryl Streep.
Meryl Streep and Hillary Clinton in Washington DC in 2012. Photograph: Kevin Wolf/APLeftwingers think this màn chơi of loyalty is bizarre, especially when it comes to politicians they believe vì not deserve it. Leftwingers are generally less likely khổng lồ express loyalty lớn leaders, and more likely khổng lồ pledge themselves lớn issue campaigns that bubble up from extra-party institutions, such as labour unions or racial justice and environmental groups. They respond khổng lồ liberal attacks of “Why aren’t you knocking on doors in the general election?” with “Why aren’t you joining the Fight for $15?” (a national grassroots chiến dịch for fairer wages led by fast-food workers). Leftwingers believe liberals cannot think for themselves on issues – that they wait to get the go-ahead from the buổi tiệc nhỏ establishment before they offer any support. Khổng lồ leftwingers, the liberals’ shorter-term issues, such as the Russia investigation, are just distractions unless they are embedded in more fundamental issue campaigns.
Establishment Democrats often see leftwingers’ enthusiasm for disjointed issue campaigns over the party platform as further evidence that they vì chưng not understand “how real politics works”. As Slate writer Stephen Metcalf describes: “I see a social movement left that protests then goes home; và a Democratic buổi tiệc ngọt that stays on & does the hard, boring work.” Loyal Democrats see their friends forming phone-banks to urge members of Congress khổng lồ oppose Republican attacks on Obamacare, và wonder why there are not more leftwingers pitching in. Lớn loyal Democrats, either you gọi yourself a Democrat, be a team player và move issues forward as part of a concerted, directed party strategy … or you believe in the nguồn of, khổng lồ use one common liberal phrase, “Bernie’s magic elves”, who will mysteriously và effortlessly accomplish all the hidden work that it takes to lớn make policy goals a reality.
This divide over các buổi party loyalty played out earlier this year in a skirmish over Jon Ossoff’s candidacy in a special congressional election in Georgia. Ossoff did not come out strongly for any issues that weren’t dictated by buổi tiệc nhỏ leadership, but he was a loyal Democrat and would have been a reliable Democratic vote in Congress. His chiến dịch was powered in large part by teams of suburban Atlanta moms – grassroots buổi tiệc ngọt loyalists who earnestly cared about resisting Trump. Liberals poured passion into the campaign while leftwingers criticised his bland message. When Ossoff lost, many loyalists viewed it as another example of the left not getting on board for a critical team project. Leftwingers, meanwhile, saw it as evidence that the tiệc ngọt was still failing khổng lồ understand the issues that really mattered to voters.
The divide over strategy
The divide over what we are trying to win is coupled with a divide over how we win. The first part of this strategic divide is over what policies a losing buổi tiệc ngọt should adopt lớn win back power. Liberals’ go-to strategy is often thus: if you are losing, tack your policies khổng lồ the centre to lớn win; once you win back power, you can enact what you want.
Liberals believe that the left too often chooses ideological purity over victory. They think leftwingers are not serious about power: if populist leaders, they argue, ever had khổng lồ actually lead the tiệc ngọt – if they had lớn win elections & pass legislation – they too would be forced to lớn be more pragmatic. Many establishment Democrats buy into the Republican talking point that the US is a centre-right country, and that Democrats need khổng lồ adjust their strategy lớn that reality.
Leftwingers have the inverse policy strategy: if you are losing, you need a more differentiated, passionate policy vision lớn win. The writer Adam Johnson points khổng lồ how Jeremy Corbyn succeeded with this strategy: “Corbyn’s campaign caught fire because he offered a clear moral vision of justice … they call it ‘ideology’ … But ideology is simply pragmatism over a longer timetable.”
Bernie Sanders supporters in Philadelphia in July 2016. Photograph: Nicholas Kamm/AFP/Getty ImagesLeftwingers like Johnson believe liberals have been conned by the right into playing on their rhetorical turf. When Democrats couch their proposals in Republican rhetoric – such as when they refer khổng lồ Russian interference as “communist infiltration” or pitch social welfare programs as “helping entrepreneurs” – they, in the left’s mind, commit the double error of appearing lượt thích inauthentic Diet Republicans & diluting the nguồn of the Democrats’ own potentially inspiring ideals. At their most sceptical, leftwingers wonder whether Democratic leaders are tacking to the centre not simply as an electoral strategy, but because they vì not believe in leftwing ideas in the first place. These leftwingers point khổng lồ examples of times when Democrats had power và still did not advance their stated ideals in what leftwingers considered lớn be a sufficiently ambitious manner.
In short, the party’s liberal wing believes winning leads lớn idealism, whereas the party’s left wing believes idealism leads khổng lồ winning.
The divide over the gap between Democrats và Republicans
Perhaps the root of these first two divides is a third divide: how much difference leftwingers và liberals believe there is between Democrats & Republicans.
Party loyalists believe the gap between the two parties is huge. The Republican tiệc nhỏ is so egregiously horrible, they argue, that it is imperative khổng lồ remain loyal to our only hope of stopping them: the Democratic party. This viewpoint is captured in a recent Democratic chiến dịch Coordinating Committee sign reading “Democrats 2018: I mean, have you seen the other guys?” This belief explains why liberals tend khổng lồ focus on the outrages of the “other guys” and downplay the left-liberal divide: given the constant threat of Republican power, any internal differences are minuscule. What’s more, the threat of Republican power, liberals point out, is especially acute to lớn marginalised communities: whereas privileged idealists can afford khổng lồ say “it has lớn get worse before it gets better,” immigrants at risk of deportation, black people at risk of police brutality & gay couples at risk of having their rights rolled back vì chưng not have the same luxury.
Leftwingers, on the other hand, see the gap between Democrats & Republicans as smaller. They like to point out examples of silent bipartisanship: the complicity of Democrats in the disastrous war in Iraq and the racist war on drugs, for example, or the Obama administration’s continuation of Bush-era, corporate-driven education reform. They criticise các buổi party loyalists for letting Democratic leaders steer them towards formerly Republican positions, such as when some Democratic loyalists began criticising administration leakers such as Chelsea Manning – a figure they would have lionised if she had committed her leaks while Bush was president.
Behind this divide is a failure to lớn see eye-to-eye over certain larger narratives – narratives that leftwingers talk about more than liberals do. The left often situates both parties within broader conceptual frameworks, such as neoliberalism, corporate power và imperialism. To lớn defeat these larger, nefarious societal structures và historical trends, leftwingers argue, we must identify them và prepare a plan lớn conquer them – a task more difficult than just defeating the Republicans at the ballot box.
Many liberals, meanwhile, either have not thought about, vì chưng not believe in, or bởi vì not prioritise addressing these forces. Some have even made fun of leftwingers for talking too much about “neoliberalism” – a phrase many centrists believe has no meaning, but that leftwingers insist is analytically useful. (Ironically, this is the same dynamic at play as when conservatives snarkily dismiss phrases such as “white supremacy” và “patriarchy” as being meaningless, despite the insistence by both leftists & liberals that you could fill an entire library with books explaining each phrase’s depth of meaning.)
From divides lớn tribes
These divisions may have started the left-liberal conflict, but it has been sustained by the fact that both sides are developing into integrated political tribes. As social psychologist Jonathan Haidt argues, political tribalism begins with shared intuitions: we first feel what is politically right, then later muster arguments to tư vấn our intuitions. When people who chia sẻ some intuitions about politics find each other & discover they mô tả other intuitions, they begin to khung political communities to lớn collaborate on mustering arguments for their bundles of shared intuitions. Out of these political communities emerge leaders và institutions. The tribal formation is complete when these communities establish a unified tribal narrative – complete with stories of the past, present & future; heroes và villains; and direction for what members should be doing.
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The loyalist wing of the buổi tiệc ngọt has had a tribe-building process, too – one likely accelerated by the các buổi party rebels’ rise. They started out with a different bundle of political intuitions: more trust for leaders like Obama & Clinton; more credit given to what Democrats were able khổng lồ accomplish in the age of conservative ascendance; more inspiration taken from the racial and gender diversity of các buổi party leadership; và more appreciation for the progressive causes the tiệc ngọt has begun to lớn articulate over the past decades. A network of party-friendly institutions, journalists và leaders, old & new, has emerged to articulate và defend these liberal intuitions: truyền thông entities such as MSNBC and Slate; the DNC itself; the leaders và staffers of the Obama administration and Clinton campaigns; mainstream liberal thinktanks; & writers such as the economist and thủ đô new york Times columnist Paul Krugman, & Clara Jeffery, editor of Mother Jones magazine. A narrative has emerged lớn unify this wing as well: a story that casts the Democratic buổi tiệc nhỏ as the entity that has overcome unprecedented Republican attacks to give voice to and fight for the interests of marginalised people in American politics.